Do Women who Succeed in Male-Dominated Domains Help Other Women? The Moderating Role of Gender Identification

Women, for whom being a woman is not central to who they are, are more likely to hinder the advancement of other women in male-dominated fields.

Introduction

A common assumption is that once women begin to enter certain professions, more women will enter those professions. There is some research to support this, including research that documents the impacts of in-group favoritism (women favoring other women over men) among members of marginalized groups.

However, there is also evidence that contradicts the occurrence of in-group favoritism among women in the workplace. For example, although the first woman was appointed to the U.S. Senate in 1922, women still only make up approximately 24% of U.S. Senators a hundred years later. Similarly, although the first woman CEO of a Fortune 500 company was appointed in 1972, women only made up 44 of Fortune 500 CEOs in 2022. In other words, progress towards gender parity has been slow even after the initial barriers to entry were removed.

Scholars cite several factors that contribute to stalled progress, including institutional structures, bias from male leaders, sexual harassment, penalties for motherhood, and the way in which girls are socialized to avoid high status occupations. This study explores one factor that has been overlooked: that progress toward gender equality in the workplace may, in part, be stalled due to women’s bias against other women.

Bias displayed by women against other women is a particularly insidious form of sexism because it can be hard to detect and can therefore go unaddressed. In two experimental studies, researchers investigated whether gender identification—the degree to which being a woman is central to a woman’s identity—impacted whether a woman favored men over women (that is, she “kicked as she climbed”) or women over men (that is, she “lifted as she climbed”).

Findings

Women with weak gender identification (women for whom being a woman was less central to their identity) were more likely to hinder the advancement of other women in male-dominated fields by giving preferential treatment to male subordinates.

  • Study 1: Women with weak scores on measures of gender identification were most likely to give preferential treatment to male versus female subordinates. These outcomes were particularly strong in experimental contexts where women were relatively more underrepresented.
    • In contrast, in gender neutral settings (those in which women were not underrepresented), gender identification did not predict favoritism towards male or female subordinates.
  • Study 2: After advancing in the experiment to “manager”, women with weak scores on measures of gender identification were most likely to give preferential treatment to male versus female subordinates.
    • Women’s gender identification did not predict preferential treatment to male versus female subordinates in contexts where the experiment did not include participants advancing to “manager”.
    • Women’s gender identification also did not predict preferential treatment to male versus female subordinates in gender neutral settings (those in which women were not underrepresented).

An important implication of this study for organizations is the recognition that it is not enough to merely bring more women into organizations. Rather, more must be done to reduce overt and covert biases that women may experience in those organizations.

Methodology

In the first study, there were 42 participants, all of whom were female undergraduate students. Several weeks prior to the lab experiment, participants completed and were scored on a gender identification assessment. Participants were told they were completing a study about work groups and leadership with two other participants. After completing the study, all participants (regardless of score) were told that they scored high enough on an aptitude test to be promoted to team manager for the remainder of the experiment. Participants were made aware that 90 percent of experiment participants promoted to manager in the past were men. This was done to simulate the underrepresentation of women promoted to manager in workplaces. As managers, participants were then tasked with assigning clues—ranging from not helpful to very helpful—to female or male subordinates to help them advance to assistant manager. Additionally, participants were asked to report their preferences for working with female or male subordinates.

In the second study, there were 95 participants, all of whom were white, female undergraduate students. Fifty participants were placed in the experimental group and 45 were placed in the control group, in which no participants were advanced to manager. Additionally, in the control group, the underrepresentation of women was not signaled to participants. All other experimental conditions were similar to study 1.

In both studies, the measure used for observing kicking versus lifting behaviors was the difference in the mean score of how helpful the clues were for female versus male candidates.

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